I have elaborated on science, and now I would like to elaborate a bit on the state. It got a nice pummeling from me a couple of posts ago, when I claimed it was essentially a tool of violence wielded by capitalist interests. Does this put me along side "small government" libertarians?
Maybe in some respects. But here are all the areas where I think libertarians are flat out wrong:
1. Libertarians do not view the state as a servant of the capitalist class; they believe it is in an independent source of power (by which capitalists may actually be oppressed);
2. Libertarians completely misunderstand the nature of capitalism. They believe it is primarily characterized by free markets and private enterprise, when it is actually characterized by wage labor and monopolization of production and, in fact, both limits the the freedom of the market and subsidizes enterprise (through use of the state, of course). Libertarians tend to see these things as "corruption" rather than the inherent nature of the system.
3. It follows that libertarians believe if the extent of the state were limited, free markets would flourish and the market would more rationally and efficiently organize society than the state. They do not realize the beast we are dealing with, and that eliminating government agencies would be akin to simply cutting off one of its limb (with the possibility of regeneration).
4. Libertarians accept without question all aspects of liberal/neoliberal ideology: the sacredness of the individual, the rationale of the social contract, the principle of "liberty" embedded in "democratic societies" (whatever liberty and democracy mean in actual practice...), and the ability of all people to be successful if they just try hard enough.
5. Regarding that last point, libertarians are totally blind to the inequalities that are built into the system. They seem to think the playing field is level, and that everyone could be a millionare if they just worked sufficiently hard (maybe they even take it for granted that there will always be people naturally "lazy" enough to take all the undesirable, low-paying jobs).
In essense, libertarians buy into all the myths and ideologies of the modern social order, probably more than anyone else, and simply try to make reality conform to those myths. What they really need to do is think more critically about what is actually going on.
There is one more significant way in which I diverge from libertarians, the explanation of which will entail that I contradict my two-posts-ago comments somewhat... which I think is totally healthy behavior. Yes, I believe that the state exists at the behest of the capitalist class and that it always ultimately serves capitalist interests. That is vitally important to remember because pinning one's hopes on the state is a risky business (as many of the Russian revolutionaries discovered). BUT, under very narrow and circumscribed circumstances, eliminating any longer-term perspective, it has its benefits.
Generally, once again if one is only thinking in the short-term and within the bounds of the current system, state management of social services is more beneficial than complete privatization. This holds true for education, health care, transportation, and would likely also hold for financial services if such a thing were ever attempted (it won't be). This is the case because the people who are actually involved in the administration of these programs and services cannot profit in the same way as those who are more indirectly involved. It ensures standards, quality controls, and more or less universal accessibility (often more towards the "less" end though...). And often the people who directly provide the services are knowledgable and driven by the noblest of intentions (not profit). On the other hand, when the profit-motive is directly involved in the provision of services, the consequences are often disasterous. Scams abound, unqualified people jump on the bandwagon, and disparities in quality widen (thus reinforcing existing social inequalities). The ability to profit brings out the worst of human qualities, not the best, as many libertarian types and others insist. But isn't government wasteful and inefficient, they counter? Everything is wasteful and inefficient; that is the nature of bureaucracy, whether public or private. The arena of education, in particular, demonstrates very desicively that public management is by no means less efficient or less effective than private management; to the contrary, public schools often do a better job - particularly with the challenges they are given - than private schools. As I have mentioned in previous posts, the supposed "crisis" of American education is a fabrication of political/economic interest groups.
So, if the only two options I am given are state control within the framework of the current system, and privatization within the framework of the current system, in most cases I would prefer state control. But that is like a slave choosing the house over the fields. I would REALLY prefer not to be enslaved.
Showing posts with label libertarianism. Show all posts
Showing posts with label libertarianism. Show all posts
Wednesday, November 23, 2011
Why Libertarians Are Wrong
Labels:
ideology,
libertarianism,
privatization,
the state
Monday, September 12, 2011
School Choice is Segregation
At the same time that Brown v. Board of Education, the Elementary and Second Education Act, and A Nation at Risk were shaping the educational landscape, another movement was emerging in opposition to these developments. This counter-movement, premised on ideas of "choice" and privatization, has increasingly sought to undermine the enterprise of public education itself.
The "school choice" movement originated as a means of avoiding desegregation orders, particularly in southern states. It was one loophole in the Brown v. Board of Education ruling. The states/districts employing "choice" programs insisted that they were simply allowing students to decide where they wanted to go to school rather than mandating school assignments and implementing forced bussing. The reality, however, was that they had devised a way of maintaining segregation of the schools.
Later, after the federal government began allocating funds for low-income schools, and after A Nation at Risk salvaged the Department of Education and inaugurated a discussion about national standards, the "school choice" movement morphed into an attempt to undercut the federal government's role in education entirely. "Privatization" and "vouchers" became the buzzwords of the day.
In the 90s the attention started to shift toward charter schools, which are more palatable versions of voucher schools (mainly because public money does not go to religious schools). Charters schools have become a raging fad, and there have been a number of popular books and documentaries (for example, Waiting for Superman) trumpeting the success of these schools.
All flying in the face of the fact that now there is undeniable evidence that voucher systems and charter schools do not do what their advocates claim they do. A handful of charter schools are very good; but most aren't any better than the average public schools, and some are far, far worse. Furthermore, even with non-discriminatory admissions policies and established under a guise of helping the neediest students, charter schools still tend to exclude the most disadvantaged students: either directly in the admissions process or by "weeding them out" after they have enrolled. [For more information about charter schools, vouchers, and school choice, I would recommend the book The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice are Undermining Education by Diane Ravitch (a former proponent of these reforms). It is, at the very least, a much more accurate account of the past few decades of reform than films like Waiting for Superman.]
The reason the "choice" movement has become so successful (in terms of its popularity only) is because it is neoliberal ideology in unadulterated form. "Choice" advocates claim that competition will spur a "race to the top" (shout-outs to Obama's education policy!) in which bad schools "die out" and good schools proliferate. But that is not how free markets work, number one, and number two, capitalism has strangled the freedom of the market. What choice and competition actually do in every case is reinforce the existing socio-economic hierarchy and make it much harder for those on the bottom to "rise up." Choice and competition in the realm of education is a case in point. The real effects of vouchers and privatization of the education system, as far as it has been implemented, are increasing segregation and widening gaps.
In fact, the "school choice" movement is a perfect demonstration of the way in which education is used to reproduce the social order.
The "school choice" movement originated as a means of avoiding desegregation orders, particularly in southern states. It was one loophole in the Brown v. Board of Education ruling. The states/districts employing "choice" programs insisted that they were simply allowing students to decide where they wanted to go to school rather than mandating school assignments and implementing forced bussing. The reality, however, was that they had devised a way of maintaining segregation of the schools.
Later, after the federal government began allocating funds for low-income schools, and after A Nation at Risk salvaged the Department of Education and inaugurated a discussion about national standards, the "school choice" movement morphed into an attempt to undercut the federal government's role in education entirely. "Privatization" and "vouchers" became the buzzwords of the day.
In the 90s the attention started to shift toward charter schools, which are more palatable versions of voucher schools (mainly because public money does not go to religious schools). Charters schools have become a raging fad, and there have been a number of popular books and documentaries (for example, Waiting for Superman) trumpeting the success of these schools.
All flying in the face of the fact that now there is undeniable evidence that voucher systems and charter schools do not do what their advocates claim they do. A handful of charter schools are very good; but most aren't any better than the average public schools, and some are far, far worse. Furthermore, even with non-discriminatory admissions policies and established under a guise of helping the neediest students, charter schools still tend to exclude the most disadvantaged students: either directly in the admissions process or by "weeding them out" after they have enrolled. [For more information about charter schools, vouchers, and school choice, I would recommend the book The Death and Life of the Great American School System: How Testing and Choice are Undermining Education by Diane Ravitch (a former proponent of these reforms). It is, at the very least, a much more accurate account of the past few decades of reform than films like Waiting for Superman.]
The reason the "choice" movement has become so successful (in terms of its popularity only) is because it is neoliberal ideology in unadulterated form. "Choice" advocates claim that competition will spur a "race to the top" (shout-outs to Obama's education policy!) in which bad schools "die out" and good schools proliferate. But that is not how free markets work, number one, and number two, capitalism has strangled the freedom of the market. What choice and competition actually do in every case is reinforce the existing socio-economic hierarchy and make it much harder for those on the bottom to "rise up." Choice and competition in the realm of education is a case in point. The real effects of vouchers and privatization of the education system, as far as it has been implemented, are increasing segregation and widening gaps.
In fact, the "school choice" movement is a perfect demonstration of the way in which education is used to reproduce the social order.
Saturday, February 19, 2011
State Power Is An Illusion
If power extends to all level of societies and does not exist in any single person or entity, and if government has only been appropriated to a limited degree by the state, how, then, are we to understand the state when we commonly think of it as a "container for power," the seat of government?
"The" state has a dual nature. First, it is a site of coordination (real or symbolic) and intersection of various institutions whose primary existence lies beyond the state. It is in this sense, also, that the state is not a source of power. For example, the activity of any health-related state agency only secondarily derives from the work of "outside" medical and public health institutions, both national and international.
Second, the state is a tool of enforcement of the regional boundaries (involving territory, resources, and citizenship) and constraints to competition that help to sustain profitability in the global economy. The explanation of this claim requires a slight tangent.
Capitalist producers increase their rates of profit by maintaining competition within certain bounds. Too much competition drives down prices below the level that is necessary for capitalist investment, while too little competition makes it difficult to maintain a rate of profit much above the total social average rate of profit (since this can only occur to the extent to which rivals can be forced below the social average rate of profit).
Uneven development (regional, sectoral, etc.), by creating inequalities, is a key means of regulating competition in this way. The state promotes regional unevenness in a global arena to enable profitability for some by:
1. Regulating imports and exports
2. Monetary regulation (interest rates, money supply, credit, international exchange rates)
3. Subsidizing national industries
4. Regulating wages and employment rates (and thereby, production costs and demand)
5. Financial/corporate regulation
The goals of such regulation include:
1. Expanding its share of the global market
2. Increasing exports
3. Decreasing imports
4. Reducing the relative value of the currency
Without state intervention, competition would render any sustained capitalist accumulation (and hence, investment in new technology) impossible. "The state" serves as a vehicle for erecting regional constraints to competition, and it is, furthermore, a vehicle that is managed and controlled by a spate of conflicting capitalist interests. In this sense, as well, the state is more of a tool than a source of power.
"The state," therefore, is not a unified whole. Its nature is heterogeneous and the foundation of its power is diffused beyond its bounds.
It does not make sense to speak of "bigger government" and "smaller government." If it refers to the scope of the governmental/regulatory functions of the state, the "size of government" is only a reflection of the expansion of governmental institutions in general, which extend beyond the state. If it refers to state budget/spending, this is a particular economic strategy, necessary to the development of capitalism. Moreover, since "the state" is not a single, unified object, it does not possess a "size" that can increase or decrease.
In sum, the nature and form of "the state" is only a reflection of other social-economic conditions and its power is derived from other social forces.
"The" state has a dual nature. First, it is a site of coordination (real or symbolic) and intersection of various institutions whose primary existence lies beyond the state. It is in this sense, also, that the state is not a source of power. For example, the activity of any health-related state agency only secondarily derives from the work of "outside" medical and public health institutions, both national and international.
Second, the state is a tool of enforcement of the regional boundaries (involving territory, resources, and citizenship) and constraints to competition that help to sustain profitability in the global economy. The explanation of this claim requires a slight tangent.
Capitalist producers increase their rates of profit by maintaining competition within certain bounds. Too much competition drives down prices below the level that is necessary for capitalist investment, while too little competition makes it difficult to maintain a rate of profit much above the total social average rate of profit (since this can only occur to the extent to which rivals can be forced below the social average rate of profit).
Uneven development (regional, sectoral, etc.), by creating inequalities, is a key means of regulating competition in this way. The state promotes regional unevenness in a global arena to enable profitability for some by:
1. Regulating imports and exports
2. Monetary regulation (interest rates, money supply, credit, international exchange rates)
3. Subsidizing national industries
4. Regulating wages and employment rates (and thereby, production costs and demand)
5. Financial/corporate regulation
The goals of such regulation include:
1. Expanding its share of the global market
2. Increasing exports
3. Decreasing imports
4. Reducing the relative value of the currency
Without state intervention, competition would render any sustained capitalist accumulation (and hence, investment in new technology) impossible. "The state" serves as a vehicle for erecting regional constraints to competition, and it is, furthermore, a vehicle that is managed and controlled by a spate of conflicting capitalist interests. In this sense, as well, the state is more of a tool than a source of power.
"The state," therefore, is not a unified whole. Its nature is heterogeneous and the foundation of its power is diffused beyond its bounds.
It does not make sense to speak of "bigger government" and "smaller government." If it refers to the scope of the governmental/regulatory functions of the state, the "size of government" is only a reflection of the expansion of governmental institutions in general, which extend beyond the state. If it refers to state budget/spending, this is a particular economic strategy, necessary to the development of capitalism. Moreover, since "the state" is not a single, unified object, it does not possess a "size" that can increase or decrease.
In sum, the nature and form of "the state" is only a reflection of other social-economic conditions and its power is derived from other social forces.
Labels:
government,
libertarianism
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